Monday, April 20, 2009

Why do we tweet? (ie use Twitter)

Well according to this NYT article, Virginia Heffman reports that Bruce Sterling suggests it's because we're poor. "Only the poor — defined broadly as those without better options — are obsessed with their connections. Anyone with a strong soul or a fat wallet turns his ringer off for good and cultivates private gardens that keep the hectic Web far away. The man of leisure, Sterling suggested, savors solitude, or intimacy with friends, presumably surrounded by books and film and paintings and wine and vinyl — original things that stay where they are and cannot be copied and corrupted and shot around the globe with a few clicks of a keyboard."
Heffman questions the constant tallying of friends on Facebook. Are we substituting our official lack of wealth with a wealth of friends, who as Heffman points out are more liabilities than assets? What are 586 friends? How many of those can be counted on in an emergency situation?
-to be continued-

Sunday, April 19, 2009

Ghost-in-the-shell-induced musing

The Ghost in the Shell films based on the manga created by Masamune Shirow, is a futurist police thriller centered around the exploits of covert security forces unit Section 9. The events which occur circa 2030 revolve around "Major" Kusanagi, Batou and a few other members of the division, who are part cyborg, to varying degrees. The Major in particular has only parts of her brain, and a segment of her spinal chord which are still organic (real). The films and subsequent series have all dealt with the dilemnas of the characters as they try to figure out their exact nature. What is real? What makes a person real? Where does the essence of a human being reside? What happens to a mind without a body? Can the identity/individuality be maintained whole if only alive in the network? If we consider Marshall McLuhan's view of media as an extension of man, this movie (and the subsequent sequels and series) offer an interesting illustration of the the current modern world, where our increased connectivity renders us practically cyborg. The networking/information distribution is the key component of Ghost in the Shell, along with the issues of identity/individuality. The ultimate power is wielded by the Hacker, not the military. Who is now in control? The army on the ground? Or the people who control satellites and can scan/document/distribute information from a secure location, not necessarily anywhere the ground in question? The concept of "stealing" is also redefined. When previously, a theft took an object from one place to another, a hole was created, something would be missing. It would be easier to spot, and easier to find. The stealing of data/information/identity in modern times is interestingly never "stealing". The information does not disappear. Instead of an absence of information, there is a multiplication of information. (Brings back Benjamin's copy vs original to mind, but we're also beyond mechanical reproduction). The nature of that theft makes it harder to spot. How do you find stolen information, when everything remains in place? The focus then shifts from content to control, and access again.

Tuesday, April 7, 2009

This is the world according to a Chuck Norris movie.

That's what a NYT article called the world of 24. Watching Jack Bauer perform his always-world-saving stunts for the past 7 seasons has been fun. Who doesn't love a tough guy? Action? And happy endings? The series which debuted after 9/11, capitalized on the buzzword of the time: Terrorism. Indeed, Jack Bauer was head of a government agency called CTU, short for Counter Terrorism Unit. Oddly CTU headquarters were located in Los Angeles, which I suppose was one way of separating it from the more rigid CIA and FBI agencies. As the same NYT article whose words I take my title from posits, this last season (the seventh) which starts off in Africa, then moves to DC - a more logical target of terrorist activity. Throughout its 6 seasons, Jack Bauer, CTU, California and America have fought off threats which emanated from various terrorist countries. Some of the appeal of 24 may have to do with its "progressive" thinking: It has so far had 2 African American presidents (brothers David and Wayne Palmer, with as much charm as the Kennedys) and now in its last season has broken new grounds with a woman occupying the White House. Now that Obama is president, the Palmers are even more believable in retrospect. Will Hillary be next? (Heroes another popular television series now in its 3rd season has followed suite with a black president.) I remember fearing for Obama's life, wondering if he had not watched 24...

The show's premise is that it works in real time. 24 are the number of hours in a day, and each episode of the season represents one hour of that day. Apparently, all plots can be subverted in less than 24 hours, criminals can be found out within 2 hours, even if apprehending them (or killing them) takes longer. So real time. Real time placing it in a more "real" experience.
But of course some things are not real: Integrated software and networks that can access any and all cameras world-wide, connections to satellite links and incredible upload/download speeds, and the fact that there is always a mole at CTU (one would think a government agency would have a better screening process). And Jack says: secure the perimeter, he's gone dark, trust me on this one (not unlike the Bush administration, I might add. WMD in Iraq, links to Al Qaeda - trust us on this one!).

Out of the 6 seasons, 3 included threats from Arab or Muslim countries, often abetted by terrorists from other parts of the world. [The other seasons included terrorists from Yugoslavia, Mexico, Russia, China and [evil] American corporations.] This has not stopped the show from being successful in the Middle East. A few friends, my brother and I are total Jack Bauer fans. We watch each episode en groupe, cheering and jumping around and hissing and booing as if we were watching a soccer game. It's fun. I even bought a fliptop phone (after my older one died) because everybody on 24 had a fliptop phone. My phone ring is the CTU phone ring. Pathetic, yes. But not quite. Part of the fun in watching 24 is not (just) the action, as much as it is the active commentary on our part about what is shown on screen.

For one thing, a lot of the Arabs characters portrayed on the show are not played by Arabs. This makes for hilarious moments of 'almost Arabic' dialogue. Most of the non-Arab actors don't know what they are saying although they know the gist of it. They don't know which word holds more meaning. Often they stress the wrong word or wrong syllable. A favorite scene: Kal Penn in season 5, yelling at his American friend about the correct way to pronounce his name: My name is not Aaah-mad, he shouts, my name is Akhmed! Except he doesn't pronounce it right either. It's not Akhmed, it's Ahmed. And we laugh.

However, the producers and casting directors have tried to get more Arab actors performing smaller parts: There have been more scenes with real Arabs, except again here the problem is in the accents. Brothers and cousins have accents that are as different as day from night. Of course, we Arabs can discern them. It's not quite as funny as the language schizophrenia of Syriana, Rendition and Body of Lies (and Leonardo diCaprio does a better job than Clooney in Arabic, Clooney was actually unintelligible), where citizens don't seem to speak the language of the country. [sidenote: imagine a film that starts out with a visual of the map of the USA, it then zooms in on Texas, and everybody there speaks Australian English, Cockney, Jamaican English, haughty aristocratic English, anything but the typical southern drawl... but I digress]

So brothers in jail, or citizens of the same country speak differently.
Furthermore, plots are hatched by Ali and Omar together. What are the odds of that? Ali conspiring with Omar? Ali is a typical Shiite name, while Omar is a typical Sunni name. Rarely are they observed in families of the opposite sect. It's unlikely that Ali and Omar be on the same side politically. Even when they are fighting "a same enemy", they would not enlist someone from the other sect. So Ali and Omar, says the agent, are hiding in a basement somewhere. And we laugh. In one season, the White House kept identifying the threat as coming from "three Middle Eastern countries". The map on the screen in the White House showed the coast of Bermuda for all I could tell, it definitely did not show the Mediterranean or the Gulf. Back then, my brother and I enjoyed the challenge of figuring out which 3 countries the scriptwriters were hinting to. Did they include Turkey? Israel? Why had they not said "Arab" countries? Another season alluded more directly to Saudi Arabia. It was an oil-rich monarchy, with strong terrorist activity (remember the majority of 9/11 attackers were Saudi). There was a prince who wanted peace, who had turned away from terrorism, and he had clout enough to convince terrorists to abort their mission. Of course, he was the educated-in-Britain soft spoken Western friendly prince. He was killed. We laugh. We joke that we would like to have Jack Bauer handle the assassination of Lebanese ex-prime minister Rafik el Hariri. It would have been over within 24 hours instead of the International Tribunal Hearing, which will probably drag on for years.

Criticism of the show's depiction of Muslims began in its fourth season, in which the main antagonists were Muslims affiliated with the fictional terrorist group Turkish Crimson Jihad. In the first episode, a Muslim-American family is depicted to be among these, in which parents and their teenage son actively engage in a plot to kill Americans (although the son, and in later episodes, the mother, are portrayed sympathetically). Criticism began early on in the season, including a complaint made by the Council on American-Islamic Relations that depicting Muslims as terrorists could "contribute to an atmosphere that it’s OK to harm and discriminate against Muslims. This could actually hurt real-life people." Following this complaint, representatives from the Council and FOX met to discuss the matter, and an episode of the season began with a public service announcement by Kiefer Sutherland addressing these concerns, in which he stated that "the American Muslim community stands firmly beside their fellow Americans in denouncing and resisting all forms of terrorism. So in watching ‘24,' please bear that in mind.” http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Critical_reaction_to_24_(TV_series)

Is that criticism the reason why scriptwriters of 24 decided to base the plot of 24 Redemption (the 24 two hour trailer to season 7) in the fictitious African country of Sangala? Why would they feel the need to create a new country? Whose pressure stopped them from saying Congo, or Uganda, or (closer to the narrative) Rwanda? Why if we work in real-time, do we not have real-world countries? After we've managed to suspend disbelief for so long, we are now asked to move away from the (un)real world to a completely fictitious one. What a disappointment.

Of course my take on it is if Senegal+Angola=Sangala, then General Juma is modeled after Zuma (or at least his name is), who might soon become South Africa's new president, after corruption charges involving weapons deals were dropped. I just wonder how many people get their information from television these days. If Palin thinks Africa is a country, then why should not Sangala be a real one too? And apparently, 24 is vice-president Biden's favorite show, which is slightly worrisome, but might explain why he went and said the following during the vice-presidential debate with Palin: When we kicked -- along with France, we kicked Hezbollah out of Lebanon, I said and Barack said, "Move NATO forces in there. Fill the vacuum, because if you don't know -- if you don't, Hezbollah will control it." When was Hezbollah ever kicked out of Lebanon? Probably in some Chuck Norris movie.

Friday, March 27, 2009

Reality TV Shows in the Arab World - Brief Overview

With the development of transnational satellite television in the Arab world over the course of the previous decade, satellite channels have realized the need to provide their audience with entertainment program that can cater to all viewers from the Maghreb to the Mashreq. In this endeavor, regional reality television shows dedicated to the Arab market have encountered great success. Many satellite channels are now offering reality shows that are either adapted from existing European or American models, or created to cater more specifically to Arab audiences. Recently viewers in the Arab world have avidly followed Superstar (a version of American Idol), Star Academy (based on the successful French program of the same name), The Apprentice, Project Fashion (based on Project Runway), Al Hawa Sawa (Being - Live –Together, a matrimonial project show), as well as a short lived stint of Big Brother (a program similar to Survivor) to cite but a few. These reality shows have been very successful among the viewers if statistics are to be believed, but they have not been universally accepted. Indeed, the boom of reality television has been accompanied by much commentary acknowledging the fact that these new format shows have had phenomenal impact on the audience, and the responses to them have varied from the very critical to the optimistic and supportive. The fact is that these reality shows that are meant to cater to Arabs as a whole tend to reflect the differences and gaps between various Arab countries and cultures, despite the Pan-Arab flavor that producers try to instill in them. This paper will review the main responses of the Arab world to these reality shows, with a specific focus on its two most successful examples, which are Lebanese satellite channel Future TV’s Superstar, and Lebanese Broadcasting Corporation’s Star Academy, which have been airing since 2003, with no sign of abating success.

Music Based Reality Shows

Superstar and Star Academy, which were launched Lebanon-based Future TV and LBC respectively, have been by far the most successful of reality shows in the Arab world. Both shows are competitions where young Arab men and women from all corners of the Arab world, compete for the title of best singer/performer, with an album deal and regional tours being part of the prize. This idea is very enticing to the youth: the Arab music industry is a booming one, with stars the like of Lebanese singer Nancy Ajram earning millions in CD sales, private performances and brand sponsorships, at the tender age of 25. Other successful performers, such as Lebanese femme fatale Haifa Wehbe also receive high earnings despite the obvious lack of talent or voice. In a region plagued by unemployment, the idea of conquering the music scene and making (relatively) quick and easy money is one that caught the fancy of many young men and women. When Superstar and Star Academy first launched their casting calls, they received thousands of applications from around the Arab world.

Superstar is modeled after UK Pop Idol and US American Idol. Unlike them, but much like all reality TV shows in the Arab world, the contestants are chosen from different Arab countries, with auditions taking place in many Arab capitals, namely Beirut, Amman, Cairo, Damascus, Tunis, and in the Emirate of Dubai. After the first season’s resounding success, audition cities increased in number, adding new Arab destinations and even non-Arab cities with large Arab Diaspora communities . Subsequent seasons included auditions in Paris, Sydney, Montreal, Los Angeles, and Detroit. Superstar follows the pattern of American Idol: a first round of episodes shows the auditions, with many comic scenes as not quite talented hopefuls try out in front of three judges, Elias Rahbani, a prominent Lebanese composer, and two or three other judges, depending on the season. All of the judges are renowned experts from the music field. The competition starts with a certain number of contestants, who, as the show progresses, are eliminated not only by the judges but also by the viewing public whose votes can influence the final selection. Votes can be placed either online or by placing calls to special numbers assigned to the contestants, during the airing of each weekly episode and the week following it.
LBC’s Star Academy is modeled after the French program of the same name. In this show, 16 finalists called “students” of the “Academy” are share living quarters, in what is effectively a kind of boarding school for the performing arts. The eight young women and eight young men take singing, dancing, and acting classes, as well as any other classes that might enhance their stage performance and presence. They were taught about the virtues of good diets, and had morning exercise classes they had to attend, because physical appearance is important for life in the limelight. They were regularly reprimanded for late attendance or absence. Star Academy’s full reality TV format meant that the students were filmed all day, while they cooked, did minor chores, rehearsed, argued or simply hung around the house. LBC launched a new station Nagham (meaning Melody), which broadcast the students’ tribulations 24 hours a day, with cameras even sending feeds from their separate sleeping quarters at night. The show aired one-hour episodes daily, with a prime time 2-hour gala performance and elimination on Fridays, on both the LBC terrestrial and satellite channels during the 4 months of the competition.
Star Academy and Superstar were first broadcasted during a period of particular tension in the Middle East. (Kraidy, 2007). An escalation in tension in the Israel-Palestine conflict, the beginning of the American led war on Iraq, a deterioration of the relations between Lebanon and Syria, among others were the contextual setting for the shows. Satellite television was abuzz with stories of conflict and war. Arab youth were tired of political programming, which they felt was depressing on one hand, and not necessarily related to their needs and desires (Karam, 2007). The two shows, which were specifically targeted to them, offered a welcome diversion from the dreariness of newscasts. Music, competition, and fashionable trendy performers attracted their attention directly. They were also already familiar with the original Western versions of the show, and were happy to see an Arab version developed, where popular and familiar songs were performed. Superstar, which was the first to be launched, was an immediate success. It quickly gained popularity among both the young and the old. The finale of the first season is reported to have been followed by 30 million viewers, and to have garnered four million votes from all over the Arab world on that night alone. Star Academy, which soon followed managed to eclipse Superstar. LBC had pulled all the stops to create a television extravaganza. The ability to follow the “students” throughout the week, with daily shows, and throughout the day on Nagham proved to very appealing to viewers. A ticker tape running at the bottom of the screen on Nagham TV (as well as on other competitor music channels) was proof of the tremendous success of the enterprise, with people sending messages to their favorite contestants daily. It is reported Star Academy on prime night captured the senses of 80% of the Lebanese public, and almost 40% of Saudi viewers.

Entertainment and Politics

Although the shows aspired to be unifying factors in the Arab world, bringing together people from different countries and diverse backgrounds, the truth of the matter was that they managed to expose as much separation as unification. Under the Pan-Arab mantle that they cloaked themselves with, indeed the contestants of both shows strived to become the new “Arab World Star”, competition between the contestants became a symbolic contest between the countries that they represent. The voting of the public as well reflected political and national alliances as opposed to voting for actual talent and skill.
Superstar was a “ political barometer” for “Lebanese-Syrian relations” (Kraidy, 2006).
In its first season in 2003, when Lebanese contestant Melhem Zein was eliminated in favor of the Syrian contestant Rowayda Attiyeh rising to the final round, riots erupted in Beirut. At the time, political tension was strong in Lebanon, with Syrian control evident politically and economically. Syrian intelligence had effectively put in place their own security apparatus in Lebanon, where the competition was taking place. Rumors circulated at that time that Syrian intelligence had even effected this most trivial elimination. Two years later, in 2005 Prime Minister Hariri (who happens to own Future TV, producer of Superstar) was assassinated and popular belief saw Syrian involvement in the matter. The Syrian troops and other intelligence officers withdrew from the country soon afterwards. That year, Syrian contestant Shahd Barmada reached the finale. Kraidy notes:
As Barmada walked to the front of the stage in a long shimmering beige dress to perform a song by Warda al-Jaza’iriyya, the camera zooms into a medium shot showing Barmada from the belt up. Suddenly, the screen is obscured by the back of a man whose graying hair betrayed his age. As he moves away, the man who turns out to be Barmada’s father reveals a large Syrian flag which he had just wrapped around his daughter’s shoulders. With a forced smile following a brief moment of what seems to be intense unease, Barmada removes the flag and throws it on her left shoulder, without interrupting her stunning rendition of Warda’s song. The young woman who has spared no effort in portraying her participation as a personal, artistic achievement unrelated to politics had found her body hijacked by patriotism. Getting rid of the flag was an untenable proposition; so putting it on one shoulder was the next best option.

That night Barmada lost to the Saudi contestant, but the press in Syria was abuzz with questions about how fair the treatment of Barmada had been. Did she not win because she was Syrian? Did the Saudi contestant win because of the well-known links between Saudi Arabia and the Hariri family? Although it’s not unnatural for people to vote for the citizens of their countries, reactions to Superstar went beyond the patriotic and into the specifically political. This was also directly visible in the direct aftermath of Hariri’s assassination on Star Academy, where 10 days of mourning were observed and the first episode following the incident had all the “students” singing patriotic songs, and the Syrian contestant being immediately voted out by the public. The shows also provided the public with a vocabulary that they could use in political protests. (Kraidy, 2006). In the aftermath of Hariri’s assassination, demonstrations erupted in Beirut demanding the resignation of both the government and then president Lahoud, as well as the withdrawal of Syrian troops. One banner used held the picture of Lahoud with “nominee” and “call 1559” written under it, in the same way that contestants are advertised on TV and in print. However, it also alluded to the fact that Lahoud was generally perceived as a Syrian pawn, and was nominated instead of being elected president, and 1559 is a reference to UN resolution 1559 calling for the withdrawal of Syrian troops from Lebanese territories.

One interesting reaction to Superstar and Star Academy was not quite political, but had to do with the politics of democracy. Many sociologists and people in academic circles insisted that one factors in the success of these shows was that young viewers were given the chance to vote. Most Arab countries are not democratic, and if they are, the youth still have no chance of being heard let alone making a difference. Superstar and Star Academy gave the youth direct influence on the selection process and the results were close. Some contestants lost by a mere 5% of votes, something Arab youth is largely unfamiliar with in the real democratic process, after all most presidents are (re-) elected with 99% of the votes. What is usually considered a “low-culture” pop product in most western countries was highly acclaimed in the Arab world as giving people a chance to experience a real voting process, and creating a new “public sphere” for traditionally passive audiences? The interlinked format of TV, text message, phone and Internet voting, allowed people to express opinions that were hardly ever heard, even if the opinions were only linked to music.

Social and Cultural differences

Star Academy, the more popular of the shows, received more negative criticism than its counterpart. Indeed many accusations were leveled against it, because of its “reality TV” format. The “students” of the Academy shared living quarters. While this is not a frequently observed phenomenon in Lebanon where the show is produced, it is not frowned upon either, and taken in stride as part of the premise of the show. Lebanon is widely perceived as the most Westernized country in the Middle East. More accurately, Lebanon perceives itself as such. Its constitution states that it is a country with an “Arab face”, thus falling short of officially declaring itself an Arab state. “Arab” is perceived to mean exclusively Muslim, while Lebanon prides itself on being multi-confessional (the constitution requires that the president be Christian Maronite, the prime minister Sunni Moslem and the head of Parliament Shiite Moslem thus ensuring the balance of political powers of various sects within the country). Lebanese satellite channels are known for having scantily and ornately dressed female presenters, and Star Academy hosts and “teachers” in particular spoke a mélange of Lebanese Arabic, and French which not all contestants understood. The Lebanese public is generally bilingual, speaking either French or English, but French specifically is the language of the elite, and is a throw back to the times of the French mandate. By using French liberally, the Lebanese tended to assert a cultural superiority on the other contestants. (Khatib). The producers probably received a lot of comments, because the contestants, teachers and hosts were later asked to stick to Arabic, whatever dialect of it they speak. This was not always a successful move, as dialects from the Maghreb (Tunisian and Moroccan) were not easily comprehended by contestants from the Levant or the Gulf, and vice-versa.

The success of Star Academy greatly worried more conservative countries. Saudi Arabia where viewership is reported to have been as high as 40% witnessed an uproar. Saudi clerics denounced the program as adopting Western codes of conduct and behavior, which are essentially incompatible with their particularly conservative Wahabi values. The idea of total strangers of both sexes sharing living quarters, in which the women were not decently covered from head to toe, was deemed highly immoral “haram”. One cleric went so far as calling the show “a whorehouse”. Indeed a fatwa (a formal religious edict) was issued, urging people to abstain from watching the show or participating in the voting process, warning them that it is the “Academy of the Devil” (Kraidy, 2006). Interestingly, the fatwa not only addressed audiences, but businessmen as well. Indeed, it asked them to stop funding and sponsoring Star Academy and other similar nefarious shows. As a consequence, Saudi’s telecom provider STC actually did ban calls from being made to vote for candidates, although the measure was useless, as Internet voting was still possible. But the call to business men reflected deep understanding of the financial workings of network televisions, as Star Academy’s channel LBC has shares owned by Saudi Prince Walid Bin Talal. As such the clerics were directly exhorting ruling family to obey Islamic Law. Tapes condemning the show and castigating the viewers, made by clerics during sermons quickly inundated the Saudi market. Websites mushroomed denouncing the show as un-Islamic. Another charge was directed against Superstar and Star Academy, whereby these shows gave women too much power, (when female contestant were victorious in elimination rounds against men). Ironically, they condemned the show not for portraying women as “sexual objects”, but as “agents” wielding power.

The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia was not the only Arab country to voice displeasure at the shows. Algeria found the show to be an immoral Western import and stopped broadcasting it on the state-run channel. It was however, still available on satellite. In Kuwait, a fatwa condemned Star Academy in the wake of a performance by its artists in Kuwait city. The ensuing controversy led to the minister of Information losing job.

Other reality TV shows

The controversy surrounding Star Academy and Superstar did not cause the discontinuation of the programs. However, other programs did not fare as well. Big Brother, which was set in Bahrain, was canceled after it had been on the air for less than 2 weeks, when controversy erupted due to a male contestant kissing a female contestant (on the cheek, or on the mouth the reports are conflicting). Bahrain, a minuscule kingdom off the coast of Saudi Arabia, had hoped to increase tourism revenues by hosting the MBC produced show, thus promoting the island. The European versions of Big Brother were considered scandalous in Europe, but the Arab version was conceived very innocently with no unnecessary encounters between male and female contestants, separate quarters to sleep and spend time in, and a very conservative dress code for the girls. However, the fatal kiss drew so much negative comments that it was promptly taken off the air. Critics comment though, that had the show been filmed in Lebanon, it would not have been canceled…

Some shows tried to formulas that would be acceptable in terms of values portrayed: Al Hawa Sawa invited 8 women to compete for the “best bride” title, the winner of which chose one of 6000 grooms who sent marriage proposals by video, all this under the watchful eyes of the girls’ mothers. The show claimed to promote marriage and obedience to the parents, two important values in the Arab world. In Dubai, Green Light is a reality TV show for Islamic charity, where contestants have to accomplish charitable missions, without a budget, on a tight deadline. In Tunisia, advertising and production giant Karaoui & Karaoui created Star Academy Maghreb, but it was unable to draw enough viewers away from LBC.

Conclusion

Reality TV shows have definitely impacted life in the Arab world, although opinions vary on how beneficial the effect really is. It will be interesting to follow their development over time. Will they remain a success? Will they still challenge values? Will they still be condemned by clerics? Will they cause (more) political change? One thing is certain, if these shows are discontinued, it will not be because the producers felt it was necessary. On the contrary, they love this format, which is cheaper to produce – minimal appearance of stars. If these shows do decline in ratings, this will confirm the pronounced influences of politics and religion on culture in the Arab world.

Bibliography

Ayish, Muhammad. "Reality TV is good for Arab democracy" The Daily Star March 16, 2009. March 20, 2009. <http://www.dailystar.com.lb/article.asp?edition_id=1&categ_id=5&article_id=100096>

Farah, Samar. "Can reality TV 'survive' in the Middle East?" The Christian Science Monitor March 26, 2004. March 17, 2009. <http://www.csmonitor.com/2004/0326/p13s02-altv.html>

Karam, Imad. "Satellite Television: A Breathing Space for Arab Youth?" Arab Media and Political Renewal. Ed. Naomi Sakr. London. I.B.Tauris, 2007. 80-95

Khalil, Joe F. "Inside Arab Reality Television: Development, Definitions and Demystification". Transnational Broadcasting Studies 15, 2005. March 15, 2009. <http://www.tbsjournal.com/Archives/Fall05/Khalil.html>

Khatib, Lina. "Language, Nationalism and Power: The Case of Reality Television in the Arab World" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Communication Association, Sheraton New York, New York City, NY, - date unavailable - All Academic March 17, 2009. <http://www.allacademic.com/meta/p12542_index.html>

Kraidy, Marwan. "Idioms of Contention: Star Academy in Lebanon and Kuwait Arab Media and Political Renewal. Ed. Naomi Sakr. London. I.B.Tauris, 2007. 44-55

Kraidy, Marwan. "Hypermedia and governance in Saudi Arabia". First Monday special issue number 7, September 2006. March 18, 2009. <http://firstmonday.org/issues/special11_9/kraidy/index.html>

Kraidy, Marwan. "Popular Culture as a Political Barometer: Lebanese-Syrian Relations and Superstar". Transnational Broadcasting Studies 16, 2006. March 20, 2009 <http://www.tbsjournal.com/Kraidy.html>

Kraidy, Marwan. "Reality Television and Politics in the Arab World: Preliminary Observations". Transnational Broadcasting Studies 15, 2005. March 16, 2009. <http://www.arabmediasociety.com/topics/index.php?t_article=85&p=2>

Kraidy, Marwan. "Reality TV, Nationalism, and Gender: Superstar and the Lebanon-Syria Media War" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Communication Association, TBA, Montreal, Quebec, Canada, May 21, 2008 All Academic March 17, 2009. <http://www.allacademic.com/meta/p230466_index.html>

MacFarquhar, Neil. "A Kiss Is Not Just a Kiss to an Angry Arab TV Audience" The New York Times March 5, 2004. March 19, 2009. <http://www.nytimes.com/2004/03/05/world/a-kiss-is-not-just-a-kiss-to-an-angry-arab-tv-audience.html>

O’Carroll, Lisa. "Arab reality show jilted by runaway bride". The Guardian March 1, 2005. March 17, 2009. <http://www.guardian.co.uk/media/2004/mar/01/race.broadcasting>

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Whitaker, Brian. "The value of trash TV" The Guardian May 22, 2007. March 17, 2009. <http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2007/may/22/thevalueoftrashtv>

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Thursday, March 5, 2009

Raid Gaza - the game

Raid Gaza



Click here to play this game


I just received this via the ArabNY list-serve. I'm not sure who designed the game. Would be very curious to find out.

Monday, February 9, 2009

Political Campaigns in Lebanon cont'd

As the 4th annual commemoration of the assassination of former Prime Minister Rafiq el Hariri approaches, a new advertising has been broadcast in Lebanon. It's the rallying cry of the March14 coalition, for supporters to hit the streets. It is especially significant with the ever approaching International Tribunal and the related investigation, which is what the last frame mentions in Arabic.
This is the truth, the video starts. (The March14 camp have been calling for revealing the truth since day one, understandably.)



However, this is also the truth. The ad is another disappointing example, for this ex-advertising person, of blatant plagiarism. Find below the TBWA-Argentina ad which won a Silver Cannes Lion (one of the most prestigious advertising awards) in 2006. Ironically also entitled Truth. This is especially distressing as the Lebanese advertising community tends to consider itself as highly (or more) creative and innovative (than anyone else in the region). I wonder if it's not a reflection of the politics of the country as well, namely, looking and borrowing from abroad (for) solutions of internal problems.